The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was seen as one of the most influential occupants of that position in American history. Although countless second-in-commands were limited to peripheral or figurehead functions, Cheney held huge influence during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently referred to as the "real president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and stated the relationship was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was courteous, always referring to him in public as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their association as a partnership because it suggested that they were on equal footing. In spite of these denials, Cheney viewed the laidback president pliable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
The Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a group of neo-cons that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. While Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the shooting down of any non-communicating planes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the assaults altered his perspective, leading him to become focused on retaliation. Together with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on misleading intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It was the proper decision to do then. I had faith at the time and I believe it now."
But even at the time, there were opposing views at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I observed, at the very least," he later wrote "true dereliction, inaction, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had written a document detailing situations in which US concerns might be compromised (encompassing "obtaining crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be postured to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the White House somewhat determined on implementing what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a plot to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his parent's countenance that everyone had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous advocating attacking Iraq, frequently referencing agency briefings that were both weak or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney dismissed the report as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and create procedures to catch the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in monikers assigned to him by detractors such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his lair? That is a nice way to operate, actually."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had minimal expertise in commerce but strong connections in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the White House. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US agreements worth billions.
It made him rich. His annual income during his time at the firm grew from his quarter-million dollars during his time as Pentagon chief to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
